These
are exciting times for Italian politics. Eligible voters will be called to the
polls on February 24 and 25, 2013, to elect their next prime minister in what
may prove to be one of the most important parliamentary elections in the last
half century. Facing further economic decline, and in the throes of the worst
recession since the Great Depression, the person Italy elects as its next prime
minister is of vital importance to its future and, quite possibly, could mean
the success or failure of the nation.
2013 Elections: who, what, when
Approximately
51 million Italians are called to the polls in the general elections on February
24 and 25, 2013, among them 24,645,449 men and 26,380,728 women. More than
61,000 polling stations will be set up across the country.
The
parliamentary elections will appoint members to the two houses of the Italian
parliament: 630 members of the Chamber of Deputies and 315 members of the
Senate. Although electoral reform was among the urgent reforms to be tackled by
Mario Monti’s technocratic government, it never materialized. Thus, Italy will
go to the polls with same flawed electoral system (all parties have agreed that
reforms are needed) in which voters can only elect their preferred party (and
not ministers or senators), giving the power to party leaders to decide who
goes to the Chamber and Senate.
The
electorate in Lazio, Lombardy and Molise will also be called to vote in the
regional elections, which will take place with the general elections in
February.
Italy will also be electing a new president of the Italian Republic in May 2013. The
new president replaces outgoing president, Giorgio Napolitano; he or she will
be elected by an electoral college and serve a seven-year term.
The main parties, the candidates
Campaigning
always seems to bring out the best (or worst?) of Italy’s politicians and this
is especially true among some of the country’s more seasoned politicians,
particularly Silvio Berlusconi, head of the centre-right party, Popolo della Libertà (PdL; www.pdl.it),
who has emerged from initial reports of semi-retirement with the force of a
lion, hitting the pavement to give interviews and make public appearances and
upping his consensus in the polls with almost every TV appearance. (The Northern League (www.leganord.org) also makes a return
appearance at the next elections as ally of the PDL.) He faces these main
rivals for the leadership of the country: Pierluigi Bersani, candidate premier
of the Partito Democratico (PD; http://tinyurl.com/b5g3rlx), and outgoing
technocrat prime minister, university professor-turned-politician, Mario Monti,
who leads the newly formed Scelta Civica
con Monti per l’Italia centrist party (www.sceltacivica.it), allied with
the Union of Christian Democrats (www.udc-italia.it).
The
last polls before a pre-election blackout showed Bersani’s centre-left party in
the lead with about 34 percent of votes, which means that the centre-left
coalition, comprised of the PD and Sinistra
Ecologia e Libertà (Sel; http://tinyurl.com/8elfer6),
is likely to win both the lower house and the Senate, though some argue that a
hung parliament may also result.
However,
Italy’s political situation is very different than it was the last time the
nation was called to the polls in 2008. The overall sense of dissatisfaction
with politics and with the country’s mainstream parties and candidates, many of
whom are no longer considered trustworthy in the eyes of voters, coupled with
the country’s worsening economic woes, have allowed for political fragmentation
and the loss of a bipartite political system as well as adding to the nostalgia
for extremist political values. For example, named after the American poet Ezra
Pound, the radical right-wing group Casa
Pound is one of several radical right-wing groups that have recently gained
consensus, and it will be running in the regional elections in Lazio.
Others
on the far- and centre-right include La
Destra (www.la-destra.it) and the
newly formed party Fratelli d’Italia (established by former PdL members; http://tinyurl.com/bjjseh7).
More
new faces and political parties on the scene are seeking to renew and ensure
change in Italian politics after record levels of disenchantment with
mainstream politicians, many of whom have been in power for more than two
decades. A new group of otherwise well-known figures are entering politics for
the first time these elections, evidencing an interesting new trend. Among the
best known heretofore nonpolitical figures seeking a spot in parliament are
anti-mafia magistrate, Antonio Ingroia, who leads the newly formed far-left Rivoluzione Civile (www.rivoluzionecivile.it) party.
Another new party called Fare per Fermare il
Declino (www.fermareildeclino.it),
led by journalist Oscar Giannino, will also run in the next elections. Even a
few celebrity athletes have entered politics, among them fencing champion
Valentina Vezzali, who is running on the Mario Monti ticket.
Let’s
not forget Italy’s most controversial figure in politics: comedian Beppe Grillo
and his anti-establishment ‘movement’, the Five
Star Movement (M5S; http://tinyurl.com/bfqmtsg),
both of which are popular among the country’s most disillusioned, particularly
its youth.
A
record 215 logos were registered by parties, movements, associations, local and
special interest groups that want inclusion on ballots, again evidencing the
fragmentation. The majority of new parties and logos seemed to be the result of
exhibitionism or dissatisfaction with Italian politics, like for example, the
Bunga Bunga Movement, the Stop Taxes and Banks party, as well as a logo
entitled, I Don’t Vote.
Interestingly,
such fragmentation has not been as convincing as expected as those intending to
boycott the elections along with the country’s still considerable number of
undecided voters together form the largest political party at the moment,
representing some 30 to 40 percent of the electorate.
Key platform issuesMonti’s technocratic government was supposed to ensure much-needed bipartisan reforms, among them institutional, electoral and justice reforms, however its early resignation means that many important reforms are now among the key platform issues in the February elections. Below is a selection of them.
Growth. Among the most important issues that needs to be addressed is rapid economic recovery following years of high public debt, widespread corruption and tax evasion, slow bureaucracy that discourages foreign and national investment and a lack of growth, which has been stagnate for almost decade. Unemployment is now higher than 11 percent with more than one-third of Italians under 25 out of work. It has been estimated that Italy has lost some 480 jobs each day since 2008. And it looks like 2013 will be the second straight year of recession. Needed now: more credit for companies to invest, more jobs and a reduction of the tax burden.
Fiscal pressure. The Monti government embarked on a grand operation of austerity and got Italy back into the good graces of fellow members of the European Union, however it has since become apparent that these measures were much too harsh. The outgoing prime minister brought fiscal pressure among tax payers to an average of 45 percent, among the highest in the world, while businesses must pay approximately 60 percent taxes on profits. The new government must reduce taxes and target Italy’s tax evaders and underground economy, the latter of which is estimated at around 17.5 percent of the gross domestic product.
Institutional reforms. The costs of politics have risen considerably in the last 10 years. Among the highest paid in the European Union, politicians and political parties are costing Italian taxpayers more than ever, in terms of salaries and benefits, overspending and corruption. What’s needed are cuts to the number of politicians and a reduction of their salaries and benefits. The new government must also work to cut spending at all levels of government: national, regional, provincial and municipal. One option is to implement the reduction in the number of Italian provinces, which was part of a controversial decree approved on October 31, 2012, by Italy’s technocratic government (see TF 172), which was never ratified due to the government’s early resignation. Cuts to Italy’s costly public health care system, to rationalize costs, is also likely as is another round of pension reforms.
Women and youth. Policies that boost employment among women and youth are also essential to kick starting the economy. An entire generation of youth in Italy must endure record levels of unemployment, with more than a third of the nation’s young (15 to 24 years) jobless. Many have left the country to seek a future elsewhere, however Italy needs to find a way to keep its most talented at home by boosting investment in research and development, universities and better facilitating their entrance into the workforce.
The employment rate among women in Italy is the third lowest in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, at 46.5 percent. Policies are also needed to help keep women in the workplace, such as more day care centres and improved work contracts and maternity protections. This is especially true in the south where unemployment is at a peak.
Citizenship and civil rights. Finally, reforming the Italian law on citizenship and introducing the principle of ‘jus soli’ (citizenship to those born in Italy) versus the current law based on ‘ius sanguinis’ (citizenship to those born in other countries but Italian by descent). There is growing consensus supporting citizenship to the children of immigrants that are born in Italy and the issue should be addressed by Italy’s new government. Homosexual and heterosexual common law couples continue to lobby for legal status and additional civil liberties; meanwhile, the passage of legislation granting gay marriage in Italy seems unlikely at this time.
